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A FEW HISTORICAL NOTES ON SCOTTISH CONGREGATIONALISM
Our
fathers felt that their vocation
was to preach the gospel. Our preachers
were missionaries. Our churches were the mission churches. Our Union was a
Missionary Union. The policy of our denomination was characteristically aggressive.1
Angus Galbraith,2 1855.
One hundred and forty-five
years ago, Angus Galbraith spoke of a golden age of Scottish Congregationalism
that lay in the past, of an indigenous movement that arose almost naturally out
of various factors at the close of the eighteenth century and the beginning of
the nineteenth.
A desire to spread the
Gospel.
Evangelical developments
south of the border, such as William Carey's success in founding the Baptist
Missionary Society in 1792, publicly encouraging his fellows to -
EXPECT GREAT THINGS from GOD
ATTEMPT GREAT THINGS for GOD.3
and
the formation of the London Missionary Society, two years later, served to
heighten the conviction in Scotland that missionary endeavour was a necessary
part of the Church's life. Missionary societies were established in Glasgow,
Edinburgh and other places in 1796.4
Not everyone, however, shared the new found enthusiasm for mission.
At
the General Assembly of 1796 a proposal that the Church should "contribute
to the diffusion of the Gospel over the world", was met with a chilling
response. It was argued that the Gospel could be preached only to the civilized,
that missionary societies were supported by people from different denominations,
that they would export sectarianism and, that they were associated with radical
political elements and agitation against the slave trade; so the Assembly
dismissed the appeal.5
A realisation of need for the
Gospel at home.
The Assembly's deliberation
failed to stem enthusiasm for the cause of missions and a further development
took place in Scotland in the summer of 1796 with the publication of the Missionary
Magazine: "A periodical Monthly Publication, Intended as a Repository
of Discussion and Intelligence Respecting the Progress of the Gospel Throughout
the World".6
Originally to advocate foreign missions, it soon became the means of
communication between earnest Christians as to the best ways of disseminating
the Gospel, not only in foreign lands, but at home. The discussion contained
within it, concerning how best to promote the Gospel at home, and the information
given by correspondents regarding the low state of religion in Scotland, helped
convince men that the ordinary religious agencies connected with the churches
were quite inadequate to meet the spiritual needs of the people. If there
had previously been any substance in the charge made by the Moderates, in
their efforts to discredit supporters of missionary societies, that they neglected
the need for the Gospel at home,7 the energy and enthusiasm of the evangelical
minority reflected on the pages of the Missionary
Magazine must have gone a long way in laying it to rest.
Reaction to the realisation
of the need for the Gospel at home.
Two individuals in particular,
James Haldane8
and John Aikman,9
resolved to make an evangelistic tour through the north of Scotland,
accompanied by a divinity student, Joseph Rate,10 despite the feeling and opinion of most people
at the time that only ordained ministers should be preachers of the Gospel.
They set out on Wednesday, 12th July, 1797, and completed their labours on
7th November, having covered in excess of 1,000 miles, visiting Orkney in
the process, preaching sometimes to a handful, often to huge crowds. The tour
was a subject of controversy from start to finish. The publication of their
Journal,11
however, containing their findings on the state of religion and criticism
of the ministry, created considerable antagonism and hostility. "To many
it appeared to be a declaration of war against the Established Church".12 But the three men had reported what they had
seen and heard and done. Much good work had been accomplished and the conscience
of the churches in Scotland challenged;13 individuals were astonished at their former
apathy and alarmed at the condition of every religious denomination.
The previous year, the Relief
Church Synod had adopted the following Overture on 18th May, 1796:
That
when the stream of public benevolence has begun to flow, and promises soon
to refresh many foreign lands, some exertions should be made to water the
wilderness and solitary places at home. And, considering the present state
of religion in the Highlands of Scotland, that they appoint a committee, to
devise a scheme for sending evangelical ministers, or probationers, to those
parts, ...14
This Overture led to the Relief
Church appointing two Highlanders, Neil Douglas of Dundee15 and Daniel McNaught of Dumbarton,16 to visit Argyllshire. The two men commenced
their labours, which were chiefly confined to Kintyre, in June/July 1797.17 On the whole, large numbers of folk turned
out to hear these evangelists and welcome them with great kindness but, over
the whole district, the clergy who were Moderates opposed the evangelists
at every possible opportunity and sought to dissuade people from attending
their meetings. The two men were represented as dangerous characters, hostile
to the civil and religious interests of the country, and, when exhortation
proved unsuccessful, the clergy tended to resort to clerical domination. Socinian
or Arminian in their sentiments, the clergy were, for the most part, deeply
immersed in farming, fishing or trading in sheep and cattle. Their official
duties, if performed at all, were performed in the most careless manner.18 At its best, the ideal virtue of the Moderates
was a "sanctified commonsense" nurtured by general culture, and
they were the sedatives of all enthusiasm. Indeed, many of the anecdotes in
Douglas' Journal serve to highlight something of the religious destitution
prevalent in the Kintyre of his day and the character of the clergy. For example,
Douglas recalls his surprise on one occasion when, as people assembled for
public worship, a man
appeared at the skirt of the
congregation, by order of the parish minister, lifted up his hand and made
the following proclamation in Gaelic: "This is to give notice to you,
the folk of this parish, that if any of you hear this man [Douglas] to-day,
you will receive neither Baptism, Marriage nor Communion from Mr Alister".19 The Minister went so far in executing his threats
that he insisted at his admissions to his next Communion that every one of
his people who had attended the sermons of the evangelists should beg his
pardon on bended knees, as the only condition on which he would serve them
with tokens.
The clergy of Kintyre did not
prevent the itinerancy of Douglas and McNaught from being a success and the
following year the Relief Synod sent forth McNaught and two other Gaelic speakers,
George Buchanan20
and John McDiarmid,21
to Kintyre,22 while the Associate Antiburgher Synod empowered
a Gaelic speaker, Eneas McBean of Inverness, "to preach in those places
which are most necessitous in the northern counties".23 In 1799, another two missionaries were sent
out by the Relief Church and the Burgher Synod appointed Messrs Ebenezer Brown
of Inverkeithing24
and John King of Montrose25
on a two month mission to preach the Gospel "in the dark parts
of Aberdeenshire".26 On their return, Brown and King in particular
reported that:
the
inhabitants where they had laboured discovered a sense of the want of the
pure Gospel. Some of them travelled many miles across the mountains to hear
them, and appeared to receive the word with gladness of mind. A person asleep
during sermons they scarcely ever witnessed. Almost all eyes were fixed on
the preacher from the beginning to the end of the discourse; and frequently
tears were seen flowing down the cheeks of the hearers.27
The Moderates' taunting
reminder to advocates of foreign mission that there were enough heathen at home
was a gibe that now appeared to many to contain more than a grain of truth.
An attempt to meet the need
for the Gospel at home.
Individuals like James Haldane
and his brother Robert28
had become only too well aware of the truth and The Society for Propagating the
Gospel at Home had come formally into being on 11th January, 1798,
as a result. The S.P.G.H. consisted of persons of various denominations, holding
unity of faith in the leading doctrines of Christianity, with twelve laymen
as directors. Non-sectarian and interdenominational, the Society's declared
aim was "to make known the everlasting Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ".29 The Society's members had no "design of
forming a new sect, but wished that Christians of all denominations should
join in promoting pure and undefiled religion".30 To further its aims, the Society proposed employing
two classes of agent - first, catechists, pious young men, whose duty it would
be to plant, superintend and teach evening schools in the villages, confining
the attention of the children to the subject of religion; the second class
were to be Ministers of known character, who would work under the direction
of the Society.31
As the S.P.G.H's agents began
to itinerate, a further development took place in the realm of home-mission.
An anonymous article concerning patronage had appeared in the Missionary Magazine
in 1797 suggesting that the evil of patronage could be relieved to some degree
if wealthy individuals were willing to buy patronage put up for sale and install
Gospel ministers in the event of the charge becoming vacant.32 We know not whether this ever materialised
but, shortly after the article's publication, Robert Haldane embarked a slightly
different course of action, which probably arose from a suggestion made by
Charles Simeon,33
during a visit to Scotland in the spring of 1798, to members of the
S.P.G.H. anxious to extend their work in Edinburgh, that a Tabernacle be established.34 Tabernacles,
large places of worship, had existed in England for fifty years or so, places
where the poor could hear the Gospel free of charge,35 from a variety of gifted preachers. Haldane
sold his estates, which had been on the market for around two years,36 and in July, 1798, the Circus, a former variety
theatre, in Little King Street, Edinburgh, was opened by himself and others37 as an experiment in providing for those outwith
the influence of the Gospel in large centres of population. Such was the success
of the Circus venture that Robert Haldane resolved to use his wealth to promote
similar independent undenominational preaching stations in centres of population
throughout Scotland, where the Word would be preached "more plainly,
and in more striking manner than heretofore".38
The Circus's promoters
retained their membership of the Church of Scotland, having no thought of
departing from it, and individuals were attracted from far and wide to the
services in the Circus. For example,
Sometime
in the year 1798 a few individuals connected with various religious bodies
in this quarter (Kirkcaldy), becoming dissatisfied with the cold and formal
manner in which the Word was preached, and the ordinances observed in their
respective denominations, and hearing of what was doing in the circus at Edinburgh,
were induced to attend the preaching of the Word there, and to unite in observing
the Lord's Supper as dispensed in that place.39
A parting of the ways.
A few months after the opening
of the Circus a change in denominational loyalty became apparent. Greville
Ewing40
sent his formal letter of resignation to Edinburgh Presbytery, on 1st
December, 1798,41 and
about
twelve of the parties principally interested in the Circus and the Society
for Propagating the Gospel at Home, including the two brothers (Haldane),
Mr. Ewing, Mr. Aikman, Mr. Campbell,42
Mr.George Gibson, and Mr. John Ritchie,43 began to meet in private for consultation,
when, after prayer and deliberation, they resolved to form themselves into
a Congregational Church. Mr. Ewing, as most familiar with such matters, was
requested to draw out a plan for its government, and, after repeated conferences,
they with one voice invited Mr. J. A. Haldane to be their pastor.44
On Sunday, 3rd February, 1799,
James Haldane was ordained to the Ministry and inducted to the pastoral charge
of the Circus Church.45
The New Way.
Comparing the Circus to the
churches with which they were formally connected must have been a painful
experience for many people and perhaps the greatest reason for their becoming
Congregationalists lay in the inability to find real fellowship within the
communions to which they belonged. Absence of real fellowship in churches often
causes people to seek out fellowship among like-minded people. This certainly
was the case as far as John Aikman was concerned,
The
chief principle which influenced the minds of the brethren who, I believe,
constituted the majority of the small company first associated for observance
of divine ordinances in the Circus was the indispensable necessity of the
people of God being separated in religious fellowship from all such societies
as permitted unbelievers to continue in their communion. This was a yoke under
which we had long groaned; and we hailed with delight the arrival of that
happy day when we first enjoyed the so much wished for privilege of separating
from an impure communion, and for uniting exclusively with those whom it was
meet and fit that we should judge to be all the children of God.46
Reaction to attempts to meet
the need for the Gospel at home.
Interdenominational Missionary
Societies, Sabbath schools independent of official church supervision, lay
preaching, the S.P.G.H., the Circus Church, etc., did not enthuse everyone.47
The churches were not receptive to new ideas and the period was not one in
which such new ideas were easily tolerated. Things reached such a pitch that,
in May 1799, the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, in response to
complaints from all over Scotland, took severe measures in an attempt to crush
the movement. It passed an Act which closed the livings of the Church to all
but its own licentiates, and forbade any communion with, or granting of the
freedom of the pulpit to, any except those regularly licensed. It also investigated
the legal position of "vagrant teachers and Sunday schools", and enjoined presbyteries
to be diligent in the exercise of their legal power to supervise all schools
within their bounds.48
In addition to these measures, the Assembly issued a Pastoral Admonition,49 which the clergy were ordered to read from
their pulpits on the first Sunday after receiving it. This document, which
gave full vent to the hostility felt towards the missionary party, was carefully
designed to play upon the fear of the new and the unknown prevalent in society.
It sought to stigmatise the evangelistic movement, not only on the ground
that it had schismatic tendencies, but as part of a political design to overturn
the established institutions of the country, political and religious. Nothing
could have been further from the truth. Written plainly into every part of
the S.P.G.H. preliminary literature was the principle that submission to government
was an essential part of New Testament Christianity.50 The different aspects of the Society's work,
like most things in human affairs, had clearly arisen one out of another,
frequently without those involved realising the next step they were to take.
The founders of the S.P.G.H. did not leave their respective churches on doing
so. Nor did it seem to them obvious, for a while, that such a step was likely
to arise out of the work undertaken and the sentiments they entertained. Having
done so, it was never their intention to found a new sect. Only a month or so before the Pastoral Admonition
application
having been made for preaching, from a Society of Christians in Paisley of
the Congregational persuasion, they were answered, that is no part of the
design of the Society to support any particular connection; their sole object
being to diffuse the knowledge of Jesus Christ without showing any partiality
for one form of church government above another. Similar applications had
been made from other quarters, to which the same answer was returned.51
Many spurious arguments were
employed against the work of the S.P.G.H. and its agents, despite the legality
of their endeavours.52
They were persecuted at times in a petty manner, at other times in
a serious way. Likewise, those recognised as having countenanced in any way
the work of the S.P.G.H. and its agents were persecuted to a greater or lesser
extent.53 Nevertheless, all over Scotland, people continued
to be drawn to the missionary preachers, finding in their preaching that which
they did not get from their own ministers. Struthers says of the north in
particular:
Before
the close of 1799, nearly forty catechists were travelling throughout the
length and breadth of the land, thirty or forty thousand tracts had been distributed
and the whole of the north of Scotland was thrown into a blaze. The Established
clergy complained that the world was going out of its place, and the old land-marks
of things, both civil and sacred, were fast disappearing.54
The emergence of fellowships
to meet the need for the Gospel at home.
"Thrown into a
blaze" may be something of an exaggeration but the catechists and
itinerants did tend to make a considerable impact wherever they went. Compared
with the Moderates' cold dissertations on morality, the preaching of the
itinerants felt like a new gospel. Everywhere crowds gathered to hear them, men
and women were led to accept Christ and, with the growing awareness that the
Church is a spiritual institution, that its essence is inward, of the heart,
rather than external and physical, small Independent or Congregational
fellowships sprang into being in some places. Individuals were moved to meet
together for prayer and to read the scriptures. Out of their common prayer
life, their study of the Word of God and their evangelical zeal there arose a
desire to establish a fellowship of believers where a purity of communion might
be enjoyed, as distinct from that arising out of promiscuous admission to the
Lord's Table.
By the close of the
eighteenth century around fourteen Congregational churches had come into being
in Scotland. Seven years later there were around eighty-five.
An attempt to supply
fellowships with an educated ministry.
Late in 1798, Robert Haldane
had returned from England resolved on opening a chain of Gospel Tabernacles
throughout Scotland. Aware, however, of existing difficulties in obtaining
a suitable supply of ministers for the Circus and evangelists for the S.P.G.H.
he also decided to educate young men for the ministry.55 As a result, with no clear picture of the precise
role his seminary would come to play - "I know as little as the inquirer, where they (the students) may
be afterwards employed"56
- Robert Haldane began the institution that was to play a crucial role in
meeting the needs of many, as yet unborn, Congregational churches. The first
class was formed in January 1799 under the care of Greville Ewing and had
twenty-four students, all of them presbyterian in sentiment. However, by the
completion of their studies in December 1800 the students had become "decided
and intelligent Congregationalists"57 put under the charge of the S.P.G.H.
Theological controversy over
the nature of the fellowships.
The indigenous nature of Scottish
Congregationalism cannot be questioned, in the sense that its principles were
adopted of necessity and spontaneously in order to give expression to the
spiritual convictions and aspirations of individuals who had been enlivened
spiritually, to whom spirituality and freedom of church-life had become a
necessity. Had its progenitors been able to see their way clear to retaining
their connection with the various Presbyterian churches to which they belonged
they would not have formed a new connection. They were guided by two principles
- the principle that the churches of Christ should be composed of believers
in Christ and that every Church should be free to manage its own affairs in
accordance with the teaching of Scripture. On the other hand, the young Congregational
churches revealed a desire to adhere as closely as possible to the customs
and usage of their former connections. The times of meeting and order of public
worship underwent little or no change, the casual hearer could detect little
difference in this respect between the worship in a Presbyterian and Congregational
church. The only real exceptions to this concerned the observance of the Lord's
Supper, celebrated by most Congregational churches on the first day of each
week as part of the normal service,58
and the weekly meeting where church business was
transacted along with appropriate devotional exercises.59
Earlier forms of Independency
in Scotland, such as the Bereans,60
Old Scots Independents61
and Glasites, had displayed an abhorrence of National Covenants, insisted
on a believers' church and purity of communion, and were determined to reproduce
the fellowship of the apostolic church by imitating every practice to be found
in the New Testament churches, all of which, through lack of forbearance,
resulted in division. Such forces were at work in Scottish Congregationalism
from an early date. In particular, the teachings of Glas62 and Sandeman63 began to make themselves increasingly felt
and the ensuing debate was bitter, forbearance being foreign to many of the
proponents of the teachings of Glas and Sandeman.
According to Ewing, Robert Haldane
became enamoured with the teachings of Glas and Sandeman around 1804 and began
to disseminate their views on church order.64 Similar views, concerning mutual exhortation,65
and plurality of elders, were expressed by James Haldane in A View of the Social Worship and Ordinances observed by the First Christians,66
first published in 1805, "in a spirit with which even the adversaries
of his system could scarcely be offended".67 In 1807, however, William Ballantine68 published a pamphlet69 which was widely circulated by Robert Haldane
as representing his own views. This document struck at the entire order of
the public worship of the churches and the debate mushroomed into a very bitter
dispute, in which "to train pious
men for the ministry - to have public collections for the support
of Gospel ordinances - for ministers to wear black clothes - was
pronounced anti-Christian. Various other novelties were zealously enforced;
while those who would not embrace these things, were accused of opposing the
cause of God."70 Sensing that if the normal pastoral ministry be replaced with a
system of uneducated plurality the lively churches would fossilise like Ballantine's
- "a
desert of empty pews, enough to chill the spirits of an Archangel"71 - Ewing published a reply, stating "the Word of God is the only authority
which we are bound to obey, in our Christian fellowship. But our heavenly
Father has not thought it proper to give a minute detail of the formation
and practice of his primitive churches".72 If the followers of Christ cannot exercise
forbearance and recognise sincerely-held differences of opinion, they "establish a tyranny of opinion,
which binds the conscience, where Christ hath left it free; which intimidates
every objector, or excludes him from communion; and denounces all other churches
as ignorant, superstitious, prejudiced and corrupt".73
The question of Baptism.
The trouble came to a head with
James Haldane, after a considerable period of indecision,74 finally rejecting infant baptism and being
baptised himself.75
For many in his congregation this
was the straw that broke the camel's back. The congregation was torn asunder
and a hundred or so of those who withdrew formed themselves once again into
a Congregational Church in Bernard's Rooms, West Thistle Street, Edinburgh,
on 26th March, 1808.76
There were similar disruptions elsewhere. The spread of the new ideas
throughout the new churches provoked "contention,
strife of words, and divisions"77 and many holding James Haldane's Baptistic viewpoint allied themselves
to the Old Scotch Baptists.78
Robert Haldane shared his brother's
sentiments and lent all the weight of his own great talents to advocating
Baptist views. In the process, he felt it his duty to withdraw his financial
assistance to those who did not share his views. The fact that he held the
purse strings of the S.P.G.H. and had built many of the buildings in which
Congregationalists worshipped, or given substantial loans for the erection
of these buildings, meant that his decision had tremendous implications for
those who did not share his views. Some had to vacate buildings owned by Haldane
and others were faced with having to repay their debts immediately.79
Many
of the Churches were poor and if they had hitherto been unable to support
their pastors, much less were they able to do so now that they were divided
in sentiment, and fewer in number. The consequences of those things were the
retiring of some of the Pastors from the work - others who remained at their
posts betook themselves either to teaching or still more secular occupations
in connection with their official duties; whilst others continued to labour,
and to exist with no other aid than the slender pittance which their flocks
could give. This greatly marred their usefulness both in the Church and in
the world, and consequently weakened and discouraged those who continued steadfast
to their principles as Congregationalists.80
No doubt some adopted the new
ideas out of inexperienced rashness but the apparent anarchy that prevailed
in the churches resulted in an odium being attached to attempts to establish
true and Scriptural fellowship. But although many chuckled over this rupture,
which laid in ruins "one of the
noblest schemes which modern times have witnessed for diffusing religion,
and evangelizing the population of the country; yet the good and liberal of
all parties who rejoiced in the spread of religion, grieved over it, ..."81
In the midst of the above, as
far as Ewing was concerned, "One
of the greatest injuries which the churches in our connection have received
from Mr. Haldane was his clandestine endeavours to win over the students,
who, from all parts of the country, were committed to his care, to views of
church government subversive to the churches to which both he and they belonged".82
The desire to spread the
Gospel persists and various new bodies arise to facilitate this desire:
eg. Associations to
facilitate itinerancy.
The period outlined to date
saw the rise, progress and eventual dissolution of the S.P.G.H., in 1808,83 when the Haldanes finally adopted a Baptistic
viewpoint and Robert ceased to finance the Society.84 These years, the years associated with the
S.P.G.H., particularly the early ones, can perhaps be viewed as a golden age
of itinerancy and the eventual loss of the Society, along with the poverty
of the churches, contributed to a considerable reduction in the amount of
itinerancy undertaken in Scotland.
Those who ministered to the
little fellowships had itinerating in their blood and had continued to
itinerate after acceptance of the pastoral office but there was now a
heightened awareness of the need for Independent or Congregational societies
which sought to facilitate itinerancy. One of the earliest of the societies to
promote itinerancy, the Aberdeenshire
Association, came into being around the time of the S.P.G.H's demise and it
is tempting to speculate why it came into being when it did. Had there been
some mounting disquiet with the behaviour of the Haldanes and the conduct of
the S.P.G.H.? Officially, we read:
On
Thursday, the 7th of April 1808, a number of Christians of the congregational
denomination, belonging to different churches, having met to deliberate on
the best plan for promoting the spread of the gospel, unanimously agreed to
form themselves into an association for the purpose of co-operation in the
work.85
Two years later, on "28th
March, 1810, the following brethren met at Nairn; Messrs. James Dewar86
and William McKay,87 pastors of the church in that place; Alexr.
Dewar,88
Avoch; John Martin,89 Forres; Neil McNeil,90 Elgin; Wm. McWilliam,"91 and John Munro92 from Knockando, met and formed an association
similar to the Aberdeenshire one, The Morayshire Association.93
The Glasgow Theological
Academy.
1808 had seen the demise of
Robert Haldane's Theological Seminary and highlighted the need for the young
churches to make provision for ministerial education. Greville Ewing was foremost
amongst those recognising the need for an educated ministry. Several years
before, towards the end of 1803, in the light of his experience of Robert
Haldane and his seminary, he had drawn up a paper entitled A Memorial Concerning a Theological Academy, asserting "nothing more directly tends to the progress
and prosperity of the Gospel, than the multiplication of able preachers",94
and stressing the advantages that would flow from the young churches
organising their own institution. 1808 saw a revised version of the paper
entitled A memorial on Education for the Ministry of
the Gospel appear. The circulation of this paper served to increase interest
in the subject and provoked discussion among the churches. Eventually, a meeting
of pastors of Congregational churches who wished to confer on the subject
was held on 13th March, 1811, and it was agreed to form the Glasgow Theological Academy.95
The Congregational Union of
Scotland.
The formation of a
Theological Academy in Glasgow, to provide an educated ministry, was a major
step forward in the work of reconstruction among the young churches - but
something else was required. In light of the great personal family distress
being experienced by many a pastor, the economic difficulties of many local
churches, and the absence of any systematic co-operation, arising from the
haphazard manner in which churches had originated, it was clear to some pastors
and members of churches in more favourable circumstances that the situation
must be improved. As a result, The
Congregational Union came into being in November, 1812, to facilitate
The
relief of Congregational Churches in Scotland, united in the faith and hope
of the gospel, who, from their poverty, the fewness of their numbers, or from
debt upon their places of worship, are unable to provide for the Ministration
of the word of God, in that way, which would tend most to their own edification,
and the eternal happiness of those around them.96
Along with this primary aim
went that of enabling the spread of the Gospel in the communities in which
these churches were set. From the very outset, the reports of the Union show
every pastor regarded as an evangelist and every church a home-mission agency.97 There was no thought on the part of the Union's
founders of creating a denominational
institution, in the sense that it should be inclusive or representative of
all Congregational churches in Scotland. The institution did not comprise
of every Congregational church in Scotland, but simply belonged to such as
chose to join it, and the fifty-five congregations who did join initially
did so out of the will to survive. Their common necessity introduced them
to the advantages of Interdependence.98